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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
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Results for evidence-based policies
10 results foundAuthor: Aos, Steve Title: WSIPP's Benefit-Cost Tool for States: Examining Policy Options in Sentencing and Corrections Summary: Can knowledge about “what works” to reduce crime be used to help states achieve a win-win outcome of lower crime and lower taxpayer spending? The Washington State Institute for Public Policy has constructed an analytical tool for the Washington legislature to help identify evidence-based sentencing and programming policy options to reduce crime and taxpayer criminal justice costs. This report describes the tool (as of August 2010) in detail and illustrates its use by applying it to two hypothetical sentencing policy options in Washington State. The tool assesses benefits, costs, and risks. Results from the two hypothetical examples point to possible win-win policy combinations. Details: Olympia, WA: Washington State Institute for Public Policy, 2010. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Document No. 10-08-1201: Accessed October 8, 2010 at: http://www.wsipp.wa.gov/rptfiles/10-08-1201.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.wsipp.wa.gov/rptfiles/10-08-1201.pdf Shelf Number: 119882 Keywords: CorrectionsCost-Benefit AnalysisCosts of Criminal JusticeCriminal Justice PolicyEvidence-Based PoliciesSentencing |
Author: Heinonen, Justin A. Title: Product Counterfeiting: Evidence-Based Lessons for the State of Michigan Summary: Product counterfeiting represents a range of criminal activities associated with intellectual property rights infringement and focuses on material goods. Nearly any product, from pharmaceuticals and food to auto parts and electronics, can be counterfeited. Although the precise extent of product counterfeiting is not known, by most accounts the problem is substantially large and growing. What makes product counterfeiting particularly troublesome is its detrimental effects on public health and safety, jobs and tax bases, and corporate innovation and profitability. To date there has been no empirical examination of the risk Michigan faces from product counterfeiting. To help policymakers better understand and respond to this problem, this paper introduces the topic of product counterfeiting and develops lessons based on a systematic examination of Michigan-based product counterfeit incidents as evident in open sources. This evidence-based assessment is meant to generate discussion about this crime in Michigan and potential steps for addressing it. Part of an internally reviewed series sponsored by the Michigan State University (MSU) Anti-Counterfeiting and Product Protection Program, this paper has not undergone formal peer review. Details: East Lansing, MI: Anti-Counterfeiting and Product Protection Program (A-CAPPP), Michigan State University, 2012. 16p. Source: A-CAPPP Paper Series: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2012 at http://www.a-cappp.msu.edu/files/PC_Michigan_Paper_Final.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.a-cappp.msu.edu/files/PC_Michigan_Paper_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 126130 Keywords: Counterfeit Goods (Michigan)Counterfeiting (Michigan)Evidence-Based Policies |
Author: Kansas. Department of Corrections Title: Offender Program Evaluation: Volume VIII Summary: The programs described in this report have different curricula, different program durations, different objectives, different offender target groups, and different contractors. This set of differences makes program-to-program comparisons not “apples-to-apples.” Nonetheless, below we present a summary of some of the FY 2008 program results. Please keep in mind that these comparisons are not direct and that final interpretation and meaning must occur within the context of each individual program. Detailed data for each program is reported in subsequent sections of this report. It should be noted that during quality assurance reviews of the final draft of this report, the Department identified errors and inconsistencies with utilization data. Due to time constraints to investigate and correct the errors, utilization data is not provided in this evaluation. Total Program Participants -- The total number of program participants ranges from a low of 88 (Substance Abuse Treatment Program for females) to a high of 1,535 (Academic Education) for FY 2008. The Work Release Program had the second highest total number of participants at 828 and the Sex Offender Treatment Program had the third highest total participant number with 723. Number of Program Completions The total number of program completions (unduplicated) during FY 2008 ranged from a high of 412 (Work Release) to a low of 11 (Special Education). The Academic Education program achieved the second highest number of program completions at 390 and the Sex Offender Treatment program ranked third with a total of 251 program completions. The programs considered in this report also vary in the number of slots contracted or allocated to each program. This figure contributes heavily to the number of total participants that, in turn, influences the number of potential program completers. For FY 2008, the largest number of slots (average full-time equivalents) was for the Work Release program at 316. The next highest number of slots was for the Therapeutic Communities substance abuse treatment program at 220. Vocational Education (all types of vocational education combined) had the third-highest number of slots at 213. The smallest program in terms of contracted slots was Substance Abuse Treatment program for females (16 slots). Cost per Program Slot For the contractually operated programs, the FY 2008 actual expenditures can be divided by the number of program slots to obtain a cost per slot for the program. To ensure comparable figures, all slots are stated in terms of full-time equivalents. Actual program expenditures are not maintained for the KDOC-operated programs in a fashion that is separable from other KDOC functions (e.g., security, classification, etc.) associated with the program. Therefore, no cost per program slot is available for the KDOC-operated Chemical Dependency Recovery Program (CDRP) substance abuse treatment, Pre-Release, or Work Release programs. It should also be noted costs per slot are not reported for InnerChange, as all costs are assumed by the contract provider. Of the contracted programs considered in this report, Therapeutic Communities substance abuse treatment program demonstrates the lowest cost per program slot at $5,110 followed by Vocational Education at $5,137 and the Transitional Training Program at $6,149. The highest cost per slot was in the Academic Education Program ($10,520) followed by Special Education ($10,100) and the Sex Offender Treatment program ($9,970). Cost per Participant Using the same actual expenditure figures, the cost per participant can also be calculated for each of the contracted programs. As previously noted, costs are not reported for InnerChange, as all costs are assumed by the contract provider. Cost per participant was highest for the Special Education program ($4,720) followed by the Transitional Training program ($2,617) and the Sex Offender Treatment Program ($2,151). The lowest cost per participant was realized by Academic Education ($1,017), followed by Vocational Education ($1,460) and Therapeutic Community substance abuse treatment program ($1,976). The costs per participant for Special Education in Corrections, as it is in the public school system, are higher than other programs due in part to mandated requirements including lower class sizes, comprehensive evaluations, development and annual review of individualized education plans, provision of necessary services to qualified student(s) regardless of number of students available (can create teacher-student class ratios of 1 to 1), and that often as a result of disabilities, few students will achieve GED or complete all aspects of the IEP in the time in the program. Cost per Program Completion Although cost per participant gives a sense of how much it costs to have an offender enrolled in these programs, how much it costs for a program completion is also of interest. Special Education realized the highest cost per completion of the programs considered in this report ($45,909). This was followed by the Transitional Training program ($13,665) and the Therapeutic Community substance abuse treatment program ($8,185). The lowest cost per program completion was the Academic Education program ($4,003) followed by the Vocational Education program ($4,410). Note that important factors in this program cost calculation include the number of slots, the completion ratio, and the length of the treatment program. Costs per program completion for InnerChange are not reported, as all costs are assumed by the contract provider. The costs per program completion for Special Education in Corrections, as it is in the public school system, are higher than other programs due in part to mandated requirements including lower class sizes, comprehensive evaluations, development and annual review of individualized education plans, provision of necessary services to qualified student(s) regardless of number of students available (can create teacher-student class ratios of 1 to 1), and that often as a result of disabilities, few students will achieve GED or complete all aspects of the IEP in the time in the program. Completion Ratio The Completion Ratio is a calculation that compares the number of offenders completing a specific program within a fiscal year to the number who enrolled and had the opportunity to complete the program. The completion ratio is another measure of program efficiency. In FY 2008, the highest completion ratios were achieved by the Pre-Release program (88.9%), followed by the Work Release program (78.6%), the Substance Abuse Treatment Program for females (77.5%), and the Sex Offender Treatment program (68.0%). The lowest completion ratios were experienced by the Special Education Program (17.5%), Transitional Training (36.0%) and Academic Education (38.3%). PROGRAM OUTCOME MEASUREMENTS: OVERVIEW Recidivism For most of the correctional interventions considered in this report, one of the program goals includes a reduction in recidivism, i.e., the number of returns to prison. There is no universally accepted definition of recidivism and it varies in three main areas: definition of “recidivating act”, “recidivism pool” and “length of follow-up period”. Please take caution in comparing outcome results in this report to those generated by other jurisdictions. The recidivism analysis pool consists of “new commitments” (including probation violators with or without new sentences) admitted and released during the period FY 1992 – FY 2008. For this evaluation some refinements to the outcome pool were imposed. In order to increase the homogeneity of the group on which recidivism information is reported and to ensure that all offenders in this recidivism analysis pool have “similar” opportunities for “success” or “failure,” the initial outcome pool was refined by excluding certain sub-groups (primarily “short termers” – offenders who served less than four months, which is usually insufficient time for program completion). The basic outcome measure is return to a Kansas Department of Corrections facility with or without a new sentence during the period of post-incarceration supervision or as a return via new court commitment following discharge from the initial sentence. Each offender is tracked individually for follow-up periods of one year, two years and three years. For most programs covered in this report, outcome is considered across the period FY 1992 through FY 2008. Exceptions to this include the Work Release program where outcomes are tracked from FY 1995 through FY 2008, InnerChange program where outcomes are tracked from FY 2000 through FY 2008 and the Therapeutic Communities for which the outcome tracking period varies. Further, given the fact that we do not employ experimental design (for discussion, see Section IV: Study Limitations), the difference in recidivism rates among groups does not necessarily imply a causal relationship with program experience. At best, we can only say that these events co-occur. To move toward a causal relationship would require employment of experimental or quasi-experimental research design(s). Also, in the following data presentation, treatment programs are treated as if they have remained static in modality and curriculum over the time period considered. In experience, however, this is not the case. The programs have undergone numerous changes over the course of the time frame considered. In alignment with the Department’s commitment to evidence-based practices, the KDOC has made strides toward identifying and targeting the high risk offender with the implementation of the Level of Service Inventory-Revised (LSI-R). Research suggests that targeting higher risk offenders for intensive treatment and reducing the mixing of risk levels will reduce recidivism (Andrews, Zinger, Hoge, Bonta, Gendreau & Cullen, 1990; Andrews & Dowden, 1999, 2006; Dowden & Andrews, 1999a, 1999b; Lipsey & Wilson, 1998; Lowenkamp & Latessa, 2005; Lowenkamp, Latessa, & Holsinger, 2006; Lowenkamp, Smith & Bechtel, 2007).1 In an effort to conduct more rigorous analyses with our data, the Department has conducted logistic regression models.2 While previous reports have primarily provided frequencies for re-admission to KDOC, this analysis considers the influence that sex, race, age and LSI-R total score have on recidivism and controls for these factors. These multivariate models can generate probabilities which can be interpreted as rates of failure based on the low, medium and high risk levels as determined by the LSI-R. These probabilities are presented in the bar chart below.3 Specifically, these findings suggest that over the three year follow-up period, recidivism rates do increase, regardless of the risk level. Over the three years, the rates of recidivism for the low risk group increases from 11.7% to 45.2%, resulting in an increase of 33.5%. Similarly, for the medium and high risk groups, the difference in rates of recidivism between the three year periods is 43.2% and 35.4% respectively. The key finding with this bar chart is that for each time period, the lower risk offenders are consistently re-admitted at a significantly lower rate than that of the moderate and high risk groups. Further, this provides empirical evidence that the Kansas Department of Corrections is adhering to the risk principle. It is important to note that these findings are not to be interpreted as program characteristics associated with the recidivism rates by risk level as we have not conducted such an analyses. Details: Topeka, KS: Kansas Department of Corrections, 2009. 156p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 9, 2013 at: http://www.doc.ks.gov/publications/program-evaluation-reports/offender-programs-evaluation-volume-viii-april-2009/view Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.doc.ks.gov/publications/program-evaluation-reports/offender-programs-evaluation-volume-viii-april-2009/view Shelf Number: 128329 Keywords: Correctional Programs (Kansas, U.S.)Costs of CorrectionsEvidence-Based PoliciesPrisoner RehabilitationRecidivism |
Author: Kollmann, Stephanie Title: Combating Gun Violence in Illinois: Evidence-Based Solutions Summary: Although we are all deeply disturbed by gun violence - each death is another tragedy and a call for action - our responses must be smart, strategic and grounded in evidence-based solutions. The evidence indicates, repeatedly, that mandatory minimum sentences will not reduce gun violence. On the contrary, such restrictions are not only costly, but also counterproductive. But there is good news: other approaches to reducing gun violence show great promise. Conducted outside of the criminal court process - in the real world, where effects are more concrete and immediate - these approaches have been proven to reduce risky behavior and violence, with significantly less damage to our justice and corrections systems as well as our social fabric. Together with targeted enforcement of existing Illinois laws that provide for harsh gun sentences where appropriate, these initiatives offer real solutions to gun violence. Details: Chicago: Northwestern School of Law, Bluhm Legal Clinic, 2013. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 26, 2014 at: http://www.law.northwestern.edu/legalclinic/cfjc/documents/Gun%20Violence%20Memo%20-%20Final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.law.northwestern.edu/legalclinic/cfjc/documents/Gun%20Violence%20Memo%20-%20Final.pdf Shelf Number: 134259 Keywords: Evidence-Based PoliciesGun Violence (Illinois)Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Forman, Benjamin Title: Viewing Justice Reinvestment Through a Developmental Lens: New approaches to reducing young adult recidivism in Massachusetts Summary: Residents ages 18 to 24 are the most likely demographic to find their way into Massachusetts prisons and the quickest to return to them upon release. Innovative models to serve justice-involved young adults have enormous potential to reduce recidivism. These new approaches are also central to increasing public safety in high-crime neighborhoods, where young adults are generally responsible for the most destructive violence. The second installment in our Justice Reinvestment Policy Brief Series, this paper contrasts the sharp drop in juvenile offending in Massachusetts- driven in part by the adoption of an intervention model informed by the latest developmental science - with the more moderate decline in young adult offending over the past decade. The brief concludes with a series of recommendations to reduce recidivism among justice-involved young adults through evidence-based policy and practice. Details: Boston: MassINC, 2015. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief: Accessed July 25, 2016 at: http://massinc.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/young.offenders.brief_.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://massinc.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/young.offenders.brief_.pdf Shelf Number: 139832 Keywords: Evidence-Based PoliciesJustice ReinvestmentRecidivismYoung Adult Offenders |
Author: Lee, Stephanie Title: What Works and What Does Not: Benefit-Cost Findings from WSIPP Summary: For the last 20 years, WSIPP has conducted systematic evidence reviews and economic analysis on a variety of topics for the Washington State Legislature. Over time, we have improved and refined the methods we use to conduct this research. When WSIPP undertakes an economic analysis at the direction of the legislature, we use a standardized set of procedures to collect and analyze research literature. We then apply consistent methods to translate the research findings to dollars and cents, asking, “What are the overall benefits and costs?” of each program or policy option. Finally, we use information about the uncertainty in the research findings and economic assumptions to compute the risk associated with each policy option. The primary goal of this research is to provide the legislature with objective information about the long-term economic consequences of each program or policy option reviewed. Details: Olympia, WA: Washington State Institute for Public Policy, 2011. 14o, Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 30, 2017 at: http://www.wsipp.wa.gov/ReportFile/1602/Wsipp_What-Works-and-What-Does-Not-Benefit-Cost-Findings-from-WSIPP_Report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.wsipp.wa.gov/ReportFile/1602/Wsipp_What-Works-and-What-Does-Not-Benefit-Cost-Findings-from-WSIPP_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 146247 Keywords: Cost-Benefit AnalysisCrime PreventionEconomic AnalysisEvidence-Based Policies |
Author: Pew Charitable Trusts Title: How States Engage in Evidence-Based Policymaking: A National Assessment Summary: Evidence-based policymaking is the systematic use of findings from program evaluations and outcome analyses ("evidence") to guide government policy and funding decisions. By focusing limited resources on public services and programs that have been shown to produce positive results, governments can expand their investments in more cost-effective options, consider reducing funding for ineffective programs, and improve the outcomes of services funded by taxpayer dollars. While the term "evidence-based policymaking" is growing in popularity in state capitols, there is limited information about the extent to which states employ the approach. This report seeks to address this gap by: 1) identifying six distinct actions that states can use to incorporate research findings into their decisions, 2) assessing the prevalence and level of these actions within four human service policy areas across 50 states and the District of Columbia, and 3) categorizing each state based on the final results. The study finds: - Five states lead the way in evidence-based policymaking. - Washington, Utah, Minnesota, Connecticut, and Oregon are leading in evidence-based policymaking by developing processes and tools that use evidence to inform policy and budget decisions across the areas examined. - 11 states show established levels of evidence-based policymaking by pursuing more actions than most states but either not as frequently or in as advanced a manner as the leading states. - 27 states and the District of Columbia demonstrate modest engagement in this work, pursuing actions less frequently and in less advanced ways. - Seven states are trailing, taking very few evidence-based policymaking actions. - Most states have taken some evidence-based policymaking actions in at least one human service policy area, but advanced application is less common. - Defining levels of evidence can allow state leaders to distinguish proven programs from those that have not been evaluated. Thirty-nine states and the District of Columbia have defined at least one level of evidence, such as "evidence-based"; 23 of the 40 have created an advanced definition that distinguishes multiple levels of rigor, such as "evidence-based" and "promising." - Inventorying state programs can help governments to manage available resources strategically. Fortynine states and the District have produced an inventory of state-funded programs; 29 of the 50 have created an advanced inventory that classifies programs by evidence of effectiveness. - Comparing program costs and benefits would allow policymakers to weigh the costs of public programs against the outcomes and economic returns they deliver. Seventeen states have conducted cost-benefit analyses; 16 of the 17 have created an advanced analysis that monetizes benefits to calculate return on investment. - Reporting outcomes and program effectiveness can help policymakers identify which investments are generating positive results and use this information to better prioritize and direct funds. Forty-one states and the District reported or required key outcome data during the fiscal year 2013-17 budget cycles; 13 of the 42 have created advanced budget materials that include findings from program evaluations. - Targeting funding to evidence-based programs, such as through a grant or contract, can help states implement and expand these proven approaches. Forty-nine states and the District of Columbia have such a funding mechanism; five of the 50 have created advanced mechanisms to dedicate at least 50 percent of program funds for a specific policy area toward these initiatives. - Requiring action through state law, which includes administrative codes, executive orders, and statutes, can help states sustain support for evidence-based policymaking. Thirty-three states and the District have developed a framework of laws to support one or more of the five advanced actions listed above in at least one policy area; 11 of the 34 states have created an advanced framework of laws to support two or more advanced actions. Details: Philadelphia: Pew Charitable Trusts, 2017. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 8, 2017 at: http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/assets/2017/01/how_states_engage_in_evidence_based_policymaking.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/assets/2017/01/how_states_engage_in_evidence_based_policymaking.pdf Shelf Number: 145349 Keywords: Criminal Justice PolicyCriminal Justice ReformEvidence-Based PoliciesEvidence-Based Practices |
Author: Heerde, Jessica A. Title: Prevent crime and save money: Return-on-investment models in Australia Summary: Finding effective ways to prevent crime is important. This project was designed to demonstrate the feasibility of combining data from a 12-year Australian longitudinal study (N=2,885) with prevention strategy investment data to estimate potential returns, including a reduction in intimate partner violence and prison entry. The project investigated the return on investment achievable in Victoria with a $150 million investment in a mix of six evidence based prevention strategies. The study estimated that the 10-year lag effect of investing an extra $150 million was a five percent reduction in incarceration and a four percent reduction in cases of intimate partner violence involving physical force. The net return from the $150 million investment in prevention was conservatively estimated at $191 million. It appears feasible and cost-effective to prevent intimate partner violence, while also reducing incarceration rates. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2018. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 545: https://aic.gov.au/publications/tandi/tandi545 Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: https://aic.gov.au/publications/tandi/tandi545 Shelf Number: 150068 Keywords: AdolescentsAnti-social BehaviorCost-Benefit AnalysisCosts of CrimeCrime PreventionEvidence-Based PoliciesIntimate-Partner Violence |
Author: Fleming, Jennie Title: Can Experience Be Evidence? Summary: There is a vigorous debate in policing about the relative merits of evidence-based and experiential decision making. On the one hand we might consider that evidence based policing (EBP) that draws on 'what works' and puts police decision-making on a solid empirical basis is a 'no-brainer'. Who could object after all to a movement that allows police to use the best evidence to shape the best practice? Sherman observes (1998: 4), 'most police practice ... is still shaped by local custom, opinions, theories and subjective impressions'. Evidence based research, characterised by randomized experiments which reveal the generality and reliability of a particular intervention is used to guide practice and evaluate police activity. In Sherman's terms there is a strict dichotomy between experience, craft and scientific facts and evidence based research must be 'a systematic effort to parse out and codify unsystematic "experience" as the basis for police work, refining it by ongoing systematic testing of hypotheses' (Sherman 1998: 4). We demur from such sweeping judgements. Instead, we suggest as others have before us, that science takes many forms, it is not as Moore notes (2006: 324), restricted to random controlled experiments , 'it has always included many more different types of investigations to acquire and use knowledge' (see also Sparrow 2011; Fleming 2015a; Fyfe and Fleming 2015). We suggest that whatever the merits of evidence-based research it cannot confine itself to 'scientific facts' - there are far too many limits to such an approach: In summary, we argue: 1. EBP ignores the limits to social science knowledge, displaying a touching faith in given facts, naturalism, and observer neutrality. 2. Evidence, whether evidence-based or experiential, is constructed in an organisational and political context that selects the facts and their relevance. 3. Experience cannot only count as evidence but its use is also essential and inevitable given the limits to social science knowledge. 4. The discussion of experience is bedevilled by the demand for instrumental knowledge; for efficiency and reform. Experience is about sense-making in organisations; not how we do something but why we do it. To examine the debate beween evidence based and experiential policy making in the UK police, we start by examining the limits to social science knowledge, focusing on the informational and cognitive limits to such research and its relationship to policy making. We unpack the idea of 'experience' to show that it is not intuitively obvious. Briefly, we identify experience as: incrementalism; framing; institutional memory; craft; common sense; local knowledge; and occupational culture. We use these overlapping meanings to analyse focus groups composed of police officers drawn from two forces. We conclude that police officers draw on political knowledge and local knowledge as well as research-based knowledge in their everyday lives. All these sources of knowledge have their limits, including experience, and all are constructed in an organisational and political context that selects the facts and their relevance. We suggest that no one source of knowledge should be accorded priority. Rather, we need to weave them together and in this process local knowledge, or experience, can not only count as evidence but it is also essential and inevitable given the limits to social science knowledge. Details: Southampton, UK: Department of Sociology, Social Policy & Criminology, University of Southampton, 2016. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Paper to the Public Policy and Administration Specialist Group, Panel 2: Policy Design and Learning, PSA 66th Annual International Conference, 21-23 March 2016: Accessed May 7, 2018 at: https://www.psa.ac.uk/sites/default/files/conference/papers/2016/PSA%202016%20Experience.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.psa.ac.uk/sites/default/files/conference/papers/2016/PSA%202016%20Experience.pdf Shelf Number: 150081 Keywords: Evidence-Based PoliciesEvidence-Based PolicingEvidence-Based Practices |
Author: Heerde, Jessica A. Title: Prevent crime and save money: Return-on-investment models in Australia: Full report Summary: Adolescent antisocial behaviour, such as violence, is both a serious and costly issue in Australia and known to peak during adolescence. Depending on how adolescent antisocial behaviour is defined and measured rates of this behaviour vary, however in Australia are generally between 5 and 20%. The cost of crime in Australia is estimated to be $47.6 billion per year with rates of crime highest in the age 15-24 group. Adolescent antisocial behaviour has important implications for feelings of safety within the community and community members' enjoyment of their local environments. Thus, finding effective ways to reduce the developmental pathways to youth antisocial behaviour is important. An area of increasing importance is demonstration of the costs and benefits of effective approaches to reducing adolescent antisocial behaviour (so-called returnon-investment analyses). This report presents new analyses from the International Youth Development Study (IYDS), an ongoing longitudinal study of antisocial behaviour in Victorian young people which began in 2002, designed to demonstrate the feasibility of combining Australian longitudinal cohort data with prevention strategy investment data to reduce crime versus expenditure on prisons in Australia. The project investigates rates and predictors of antisocial behaviour and violence from the early waves of the IYDS (age 11 years) to young adulthood (age 25 years) to estimate the return-on-investment in Victoria achievable with a $150 million investment in a mix of 6 evidence-based prevention strategies. The aims of the current project were to: 1. Report population rates in the Victorian context of different forms of antisocial outcomes at different points in the life-course; 2. Estimate effect sizes for modifiable risk factors; and 3. Estimate the return-on-investment in Victoria a $150 million investment would have in a mix of 6 evidence-based strategies. To investigate these aims data from 2,884 IYDS participants was used to estimate the reduction in incarceration and intimate partner violence achievable in the State of Victoria by investing $150 million in a mix of evidence-based prevention strategies. Baseline data were obtained in the IYDS at average age 15 from a sample recruited in 2002 to be state-representative of students in Victoria. Follow-up data were obtained at average age 25 in 2014/15. Evidence-based prevention strategies included: Nurse Family Partnerships, Triple P Universal and Triple P Level 4 groups, Secondary School Age Alcohol Supply Reduction, Tutoring by Peers and Screening and Brief Intervention for young adult alcohol problems. Based on the IYDS in 2014/15, findings showed, for those of average age 25 (range 21 to 29) the annual incarceration rate (any police or court apprehension) was estimated at 3.5% (1.0% for 1-day or more) and involvement in intimate partner violence involving physical force was 8.5% (causing physical injury was 3.0%). Multivariate regression analyses were used to identify the effect of age 15 risk factors (socioeconomic disadvantage, family problems, child behaviour problems, substance [including alcohol] use and school problems) and age 21 alcohol problems on age 25 incarcerations and intimate partner violence involving physical assault. Analyses revealed the 10-year lag effect of having invested an extra $150 million would have been a reduction in 2015 of 1,624 cases of incarceration (5% reduction) and 3,034 cases of intimate partner violence involving physical force (10% reduction). In addition to these estimated 1-year effects, benefits would also have been observed in each of the prior nine years and in subsequent years. The prevention strategy investment mix investigated in this report was: Nurse Family Partnership for low income ($35 M), Triple P Universal ($34 M), Triple P Level 4 groups ($51 M), Secondary School Age Alcohol Supply Reduction (SAASR; $14 M), Tutoring by Peers ($9 M) and Screening and Brief Intervention for young adult alcohol problems ($7 M). The net return from the $150 million prevention strategy investment was conservatively estimated at $191 million. Project findings demonstrate several modifiable factors for antisocial behaviour that could be targeted in early intervention and prevention programs to reduce the developmental pathways that lead to youth perpetration of intimate partner violence and incarceration. The results of the current study demonstrate the importance of considering childhood and adolescent family and school-based problems/risk factors, as well as youth substance (including alcohol) use and previous engagement in antisocial behaviour. The present analysis reveals there is sound data to perform return-on-prevention investment analyses in Victoria suggesting it is feasible and cost-effective to prevent problems such as intimate partner violence, while also reducing incarceration rates. Together, project findings can be used to inform policy in Australia about financially viable and effective programs to reduce crime and antisocial behaviour. This project will contribute to understanding that imprisonment and family violence are preventable and that there are significant economic benefits in implementing evidence-based prevention and early intervention approaches. Details: Sydney: Criminology Research Advisory Council, 2018. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed July 5, 2018 at: http://crg.aic.gov.au/reports/1718/18-1415-FinalReport.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: http://crg.aic.gov.au/reports/1718/18-1415-FinalReport.pdf Shelf Number: 150764 Keywords: AdolescentsAnti-Social BehaviorCost-Benefit Analysis Costs of Crime Crime Prevention Evidence-Based Policies Intimate-Partner Violence |